Trump’s ASEAN Summit That Never Happened

Thursday, March 5, 2020

By Greg Rushford

As I reported on January 18, foreign ministers of the ten ASEAN nations — the Association of Southeast Asian Nations — meeting in Bangkok the previous day, had tentatively agreed to accept U.S. President Donald Trump’s invitation to host a special summit for ASEAN’s presidents and prime ministers. As Trump had angered ASEAN leaders in recent years by refusing to attend their summits held in Asia, this appeared to be a welcome signal that the American president was now paying attention to the region.

Trump had insisted that the U.S.-ASEAN summit had to be in Las Vegas, on March 14, to accommodate his schedule. It turns out, however, that he has found something better to do that day than meeting Southeast Asian leaders—-but that’s getting ahead of a story of what (sadly) currently passes for American diplomacy in one of the world’s most dynamic regions. 

As the second week in March was less than two months away, experienced diplomatic eyebrows immediately shot up when Trump’s plans for a Vegas summit surfaced in Bangkok. The normal planning process for such events that involve synchronizing the schedules of so many top leaders takes at least five months of hard work, at the minimum. Trump was asking a lot of his fellow presidents.

Skeptical questions were asked. Would there really be time for the U.S. State Department’s experienced Asian hands to organize the logistics? What diplomatic agenda would State and the National Security Council in the White House be pressing? Why was Trump insisting upon such an unserious venue as Las Vegas — known for casinos, spas and the international jet set — as the venue? And again, did it have to be on March 14?

The skeptics were prescient. By the time the Vegas summit was announced, “it was already too late,” as one insider who asked not to be identified put it. The necessary logistics remained murky; until the last minute nobody seemed entirely convinced that the summit would actually happen. And it won’t. Last Friday, U.S. officials cancelled the event, citing fears of the spreading coronavirus. That appears to be a cover story, if a somewhat plausible one, given Trump’s well-known germaphobia. Still, the failure opens a window into how important diplomatic opportunities are being handled in Donald Trump’s Washington. Or mis-handled. 

First and foremost, there was never a serious diplomatic agenda for the summit. The State Department was largely sidelined. Inquiring reporters were referred, off the record, to the White House, which wasn’t talking. Even inside the White House, the National Security Council — which doesn’t have the professional staffing able to handle the complex logistics to put on such an event anyway — seemed to be also somewhat marginalized. 

The real action was in the White House office of Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner. Kushner is the go-to guy for savvy foreign officials who have figured out how to pull the levers of power in today’s Washington, D.C. And the Kushner-Trump agenda, hardly for the first time, reflected a keen interest in private commercial dealings, not important U.S. national security interests.

Despite the information blackout, in Trump’s White House, people still talk, albeit sotto voce. So it was possible to piece together the general outlines of what was happening behind closed doors — or in this case, not happening — by applying a little old-fashioned journalistic shoe leather.

In short, Trump wanted just a generalized Saturday afternoon group meeting of the Southeast Asian top leaders, on March 14. That would have been followed by a group photo opportunity. (There appears to be no truth to the rumor that, in true Las Vegas spirit, the assorted presidents would have worn Elvis costumes.)  

Trump, according to multiple sources, wasn’t much interested in meeting privately with fellow Southeast Asian presidents on the sidelines of the summit. Apparently pressed by Kushner, Trump only bothered to schedule one private bilateral diplomatic meeting with a Southeast Asian president. That lucky leader was Indonesian President Joko Widodo (who is often referred to by his nickname, Jokowi). But even that meeting — which seemed to be close, but never quite firmed up — would have involved mainly Trump’s interest in private commercial transactions, not important matters involving foreign policy and mutual national security interests.  

One especially interesting commercial opportunity has caught Trump’s eye. Jokowi plans to move Indonesia’s capital from Jakarta, which is sinking into the sea thanks to global warming, to the wilderness of Borneo. This promises to be an estimated $30-plus billion construction business. One of Jokowi’s most senior officials, Luhut Pandjaitan, flew to Washington, D.C. last month to discuss this project (among others) with Kushner and his wife Ivanka Trump. 

According to a report in Singapore’s Straits Times, Luhut has told Asian journalists that Kushner had related that Trump very much “likes the idea of Indonesia moving its capital, with a commitment of creating a green city there, where only electric vehicles will be allowed on the roads.” The Straits Times’s article also revealed that Luhut had said that Kushner “wanted [the] Jokowi-Trump meeting to discuss details on this moving capital project.” 

There are other commercial transactions in Indonesia that the White House seems interested in. Perhaps the most interesting involves an undersea fiber-optic telecommunications cable from Singapore and Indonesia to California that will be financed by the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation. The IDFC has a healthy $60 billion in development funds to invest around the world, backed by the U.S. government. Its head, Adam Boehler, is a former college roommate of Kushner. 

To be sure, moving Jakarta’s capital is an attractive idea. And U.S. government financing for worthwhile telecommunications contracts could well be defended on its merits. But what business does a senior White House political adviser have in injecting himself, and the president of the United States, into such commercial transactions? This isn’t diplomacy. It’s deal making. 

And why would any American president’s keen interest in meeting the president of Indonesia involve talking about billions of dollars in future construction opportunities in Borneo — not serious matters of mutual diplomatic- and security importance?

It’s not difficult to think of important matters of state that a president of the United States might want to talk to his Indonesian counterpart about. They might exchange ideas on how Indonesia and the United States might work more effectively to counter illegal Chinese aggression in the waters of the China Sea. After all, those waters are positioned astride some of the world most important shipping lanes. Just because of Indonesia’s position om the map, that country will always be important to U.S. security interests.

Or they might want to talk about how to work effectively with the World Trade Organization’s ongoing negotiations to cut back government subsidies that lead to overfishing in the same South China Sea. Beyond that, Jokowi and Trump might well consider how to advance some mutually beneficial international trade-liberalization deals to enhance the flows of commerce throughout ASEAN? They might even talk about working to take more effective action about global warming, instead of simply looking for ways for private contractors to profit from such. 

Readers will already have noticed that taking effective action on global warming and liberalizing international trade flows are hardly Donald Trump’s strong suit. On U.S.-ASEAN trade, there is no American agenda.

Trump’s interest in Indonesia, put starkly, involves matters of money. Last August, the president’s son, Donald Trump Jr., visited Jakarta to talk up the Trump Organization’s two plush Indonesian resorts (one in Bali, and another a theme-park complex south of Jakarta). Donald Jr. told reporters that the Trump family had turned down “a lot of deals” since his father became president. Should such statements be taken at face value? 

To be sure, the Trumps are well-connected in influential Indonesian commercial and political circles. Trump’s Indonesian business partner, Hary Tanoesoedibjo, who chairs the MNC Group, is in tight with Jokowi. Hary’s daughter Angela Tanoesoedibjo is Jokowi’s deputy minister of tourism and creative economy. And when Donald Trump was inaugurated as U.S. president in 2017, Hary was there at the invitation of the new president.

As for the answer to the last question that ASEAN watchers have been asking: Why was Trump so insistent upon holding only a quick afternoon summit in Las Vegas on Saturday afternoon, March 14? Why weren’t there supposed to be any bilateral meetings on the sidelines (at least until Indonesia’s savvy Luhut buttonholed Jared Kushner)? 

Inquiring Asian diplomats were told simply that March 14 was the only date that fit the president’s schedule.

As I reported in January, March 14 is only three days before the Democratic presidential primaries in the key electoral U.S. states of Ohio, Illinois, and Florida. A photo opportunity with important Asian presidents would have allowed Trump to appear presidential, conducting serious diplomacy instead of mere politicking. 

Obviously, drawing the ASEAN leaders to Vegas, where the president has a hotel, would have been good for the Trump brand. And ten Asian presidents, prime ministers, and their entourages would have injected always-welcome cash into the Nevada resort industry in general. (The March 14 ASEAN event was supposed to have been held in the Westin Lake resort and spa in Henderson, a short drive from the action down on the Strip.)

Bringing money into Nevada is also important to Trump, who hopes to carry the state in this November’s presidential election. 

But there is another, more important, reason the weekend of March 14 was important to Trump. One of Trump’s biggest sources of campaign cash, gambling magnate Sheldon Adelson, will be in town that weekend. 

Adelson has pledged to fork over as much as $100 million dollars to help Trump be elected to a second term in the White House on November 3. Adelson’s other chief political interests revolve around his strong support for Israel.

During the weekend of March 13-15, the Republican Jewish Coalition has announced plans for top Republicans to convene for the RJC’s annual leadership meeting. It will be “a terrific weekend of politics, policy, and poker at the fabulous Venetian/Palazzo Resort and Hotel, on the Vegas Strip,” the group’s literature promises.

Sheldon Adelson is on the RJC board, which runs one of the most influential lobbies in the Republican Party. Adelson also owns the Venetian and Palazzo. And the weekend of March 13-15 will bring Jewish Republican activists “from across the country” to Vegas, the RJC’s website notes. 

And guess who’s speaking on March 14 to the Jewish Republicans at the Venetian? Donald Trump — who was not interested in spending much quality time with ASEAN presidents, some of whom are Muslims anyway — will be busy hanging out on the Strip with people he is really interested in.

Tickets for Trump’s appearance at the Venetian are $1,750 per person. But they are going fast, according to an RJC press release. 

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Trump’s Audacious Vegas Diplomatic Gamble

By Greg Rushford

January 18, 2020

Meeting in the Vietnamese seaside resort of Nha Trang yesterday, the foreign ministers of the ten ASEAN countries — the Association of Southeast Asian Nations — tentatively decided to accept President Donald Trump’s offer to host a special U.S.-ASEAN summit in the United States. The confab will be held on March 14, in Las Vegas, the Bangkok Post reported.

If all other things were equal, this would constitute a welcome piece of news. Trump has offended diplomats across the region by snubbing top Asian leaders’ summits for the last three years. The venerable Australian national security authority Carl Thayer voiced the frustrations of many when, in 2017, he likened the first Trump snub to an act of “political vandalism.” But now, Trump has signaled that the United States remains interested-and-involved in one of the world’s most dynamic regions. 

But with The Donald, nothing ever seems to be so simple. His awkward diplomatic- and political timing has raised eyebrows in key Asian capitals since Trump first floated the invitation last November. And Trump’s insistence upon the famous Nevada gambling and entertainment city as the venue has raised even more concerns. Plus, hardly for the first time with Trump, there is the distinct whiff of presidential self-dealing and cronyism in the air. 

I’ve been watching this diplomatic drama play out behind the scenes for the last two months. Here’s a quick rundown of the concerns that are being raised in well-connected Asian diplomatic and business circles.  

Awkward timing

First, the manner in which Trump offered to host a summit in the United States was perceived in the region as arrogant. He didn’t even invite the Asian chiefs of state in person, sending instead his national security adviser, Robert O’Brien, to a November 2019 summit of Asian leaders in Thailand. There, O’Brien delivered a letter with Trump’s proposal. Offended at the American president latest snub, seven of the ten ASEAN chiefs of state refused to meet with O’Brien.

Another problem with the timing was the familiar diplomatic ineptness factor that has become normal whenever Trump interacts with fellow world leaders.Top-level summits that involve coordinating the schedules of presidents and prime ministers usually take many months, perhaps a year, as the complex logistical challenges are worked out. Trump, in November 2019, was expecting the leaders of ASEAN’s ten countries to change their schedules to accommodate his, and by March 2020. In response to the raised diplomatic eyebrows, all that Trump’s aides offered, with no further explanation, was that March of 2020 best fit Trump’s schedule.

Of course it did. March 14 is just three days before the Democratic presidential primaries in the key electoral U.S. states of Ohio, Illinois, and Florida. Trump’s prospective Democratic Party challengers will then no doubt be busy fighting each other for the Democratic presidential nomination. They will project the image of mere partisan politicians jockeying for personal advantage.  

By contrast, Trump will be poised to appear presidential, a respected world leader hosting a diplomatic summit involving important Asian top leaders who have come to the United States, to pay their due respects. While he could easily do such in, say, Washington, D.C., Trump appears to have another agenda than projecting a sober image. 

An unserious venue

To be sure, Las Vegas projects anything but the image of presidential sobriety: the famous casinos, the sexy-dancer shows, the tables for high-rollers, the paparazzi with their flash bulbs, and so on. Every ASEAN summit is also well-known for the photo opportunity of the presidents and prime ministers, wearing the host country’s traditional costumes, sometimes a tad outlandish. What are the ten ASEAN leaders expected to do as they pose for posterity in Vegas: wear Elvis costumes? 

And in which luxury hotels and casinos will they choose to stay?

The whiff of presidential self-dealing

When Donald Trump is involved, world leaders can never be sure how to ascertain whether he is seeking to advance legitimate U.S. national security interests, or whether he is mainly looking to advance the Trump brand and his family’s personal financial interests. 

Speaking of branding, it happens that Las Vegas is the site of a Trump International Hotel. 

The Trump Organization’s promotional materials for the hotel boast of “our sleek, gold building” with its 1,282 “exquisitely appointed” accommodations. “This is living to the highest standard — the Trump level of luxury in a city that never disappoints.”

If some Asian leaders would risk putting their country’s sovereign wealth funds on the tables, they might end up disappointed, goes one sotto voce quip from one veteran Asia-watcher when informed of Trump’s preference for Vegas.

The 64-story Trump hotel — the tallest in Vegas, naturally — doesn’t have a casino. It does have, however, lots of Chinese tourists, who have been coming in increased numbers since Trump won the 2016 presidential election, the Washington Post has reported. And the Trump Organization has luxury condos for sale, complete with whirlpool baths, plush beds, and bars.

Such sales opportunities have sparked more sotto voce quips — to the effect that the condos could be of possible interest to Russian speakers who would know how to conceal their ownership behind shell corporations. Trump properties in Florida are crammed with such people, according to an authoritative Reuters investigative report. 

So where would the ASEAN leaders and their entourages be expected to stay? Who would occupy the “ultra luxurious” presidential suites that the Trump Organization boasts of? Where would the U.S. Secret Service and the plethora of American diplomatic and security aides stay? Where would U.S. tax dollars come into the picture? The answers to such questions have not been made public.

It’s worth recalling how Trump backed off his plans to host this year’s G-7 summit of world leaders at his National Doral golf resort in Florida, but only after a public outcry against the president’s obvious financial conflicts of interest. That was last October.

But once the president gets a notion in his mind, he is famous for not letting go easily. A month after the G-7 embarrassment, Trump quietly offered to host still another important summit in the United States. This one would have brought the corporate leaders of the top-level Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum to the United States — again, this March, again in Las Vegas. That idea was quickly shot down by the offended Malaysians, who are chairing APEC this year. 

On November 7, the Straits Times newspaper in Singapore reported that Trump’s offer to host an APEC summit in Vegas “was not a good idea,” as Malaysia’s foreign minister, Saifuddin Abdullah, put it. Apparently, that was that. Since that press report, nothing has been heard of hosting any APEC summits in Vegas this year.

The cronyism factor

Nobody is considered to be closer to Donald Trump and his family than billionaire Sheldon Adelson. (The Adelsons are worth an estimated $40-plus billion, according to various published speculations).

Adelson’s importance to Trump was on public display last week, when the president held a ceremony in the White House to celebrate the recently inked “Phase One” U.S.-China trade deal. A wide array of leading American political-and business leaders were in the audience, along with Adelson and his wife Miriam. They are,Trump declared, “two very good friends” and simply “great people.”

Conspicuously, Trump praised the Sheldon and Miriam Adelson before mentioning Henry Kissinger, a covey of sitting U.S. senators, son-in-law Jared Kushner, television demagogue Lou Dobbs, and the heads of such blue-chip American corporations as Boeing, Honeywell, Mastercard, and Dow Chemical. 

Ambitious Mega Donors

Trump has good reason to like the Adelsons.They gave him perhaps $10 million in campaign cash to help him win his 2016 presidential race, plus another $5 million and chump change for the January 2017 Trump inaugural party — and then upwards of $100 million to back Republican congressional candidates in the 2018 elections. 

Sheldon Adelson is well known in Asia. His breathtaking Marina Bay Sands that illustrates Singapore’s skyline was highlighted in the movie Crazy Rich Asians. He also has casinos in Macau, which cater to Chinese tourists. 

Adelson may be 85 years old and reportedly ailing, but he is still ambitious. The gambling magnate has been working hard to obtain a casino license in Japan. Toward that end, his friend Donald Trump is thought to have pressed Adelson’s Japanese aspirations with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, according to a well-researched report by ProPublica’s Justin Elliott that was published late last year.

The ambitious octogenarian has also been hoping to open a casino in North Korea. That country is presently an impoverished wasteland, but one which Trump has also said he believes has potential high-value real estate opportunities. 

Adelson is also well-known in Asia as one of Israel’s strongest supporters. He is a fervent defender of Trump’s hardline policies towards Iran’s ayatollahs, and was thrilled when Trump moved the United States Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem. To ASEAN leaders of countries that have substantial Muslim populations, this could be the most awkward aspect of Trump’s Vegas proposals. 

Some Asia watchers contacted for this article said they found it somewhat of a stretch to imagine the prime ministers of Thailand or Malaysia, or the president of Indonesia, or the sultan of Brunei — all countries with substantial Muslim populations — rubbing shoulders with the likes of Donald Trump and Sheldon Adelson in Las Vegas. And it is near impossible to imagine that, one way or the other, Adelson would not be involved in an ASEAN summit held in his city. 

And that’s where matters presently stand. The final decision on whether to attend a US-ASEAN summit in Las Vegas on March 14 will be made by the chiefs of state of the ten ASEAN countries, the January 17 article in the Bangkok Post reported. 

Who would show up, and who might not, is a matter of intense speculation.

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte, for one, has vowed not to travel to the United States for any reason. (At least, everyone blames congressional Democrats, not Trump, for that one. Duterte is understandably concerned over recent legislation that could deny his entourage entry visas, on human-rights grounds.)

Trump forgot another thing — nobody seems to know what the agenda for a US-ASEAN summit would be. 

Toward that end, all eyes will be on Vietnam, which is chairing ASEAN this year. Will the leadership in Hanoi seize the opportunity to work with the Americans to press the Chinese hard over Beijing’s illegal aggression in waters of the South China Sea that are rightfully within the exclusive economic zones of such ASEAN members as Vietnam, Malaysia, and the Philippines?  

If so, there is a real opportunity for Donald Trump, despite his unfortunate diplomatic style, to shine. Trump could work to accomplish something that his predecessor in the Oval Office, Barack Obama, utterly failed to deliver. Obama stood by passively while Xi Jinping’s China weaponized the South China Sea — clearly in violation of international law. 

Stay tuned.

From Central Europe: An Intelligence Lesson for Americans

By Greg Rushford

I visited Prague last month, looking for insights into Russian and Chinese intelligence strategies in this important capital city in central Europe. As it turned out, the Czech Republic’s principal counterintelligence agency — the Security Information Service, better known by its acronym BIS — made it easy. On December 3, 2018, the BIS released its latest annual public report on secret foreign influence operations that had targeted the Czech Republic. 

Unsurprisingly, the BIS spooks pointed their fingers in a familiar direction: various Russian “active measures” aimed at advancing Vladimir Putin’s foreign agenda of disruption; and espionage operations emanating from Xi Jinping’s Beijing. Well-informed observers were quick to commend the BIS for its professionalism in releasing such an apolitical, fact-based report. “Compared to most of the security institutions in Central Europe,” noted the respected Prague-based European Values Think Tank, the BIS “managed to describe Russian and Chinese intelligence activities in the Czech Republic in a remarkable detail.” 

But that certainly would be news to the overwhelming majority of Americans. As usual, the major cable television channels where a majority of Americans get their news, very little of which is foreign — Fox, MSNBC, CNN — had nothing. Even the New York Times, which prides itself as the gold standard for foreign news reporting, ran only a skimpy Associated Press filler that consisted of just seven sparse sentences. That wire service said that the BIS had uncovered a Russian cyber-espionage operation that had targeted the Czech foreign ministry. There was no mention that BIS had also identified Chinese important espionage operations in the Czech Republic. There was scant mention of why the story was an important one — a core journalistic principle that is taught at the high-school level. 

This is not surprising. Even the best American editors are prone to downplay any story that wouldn’t immediately be perceived by readers in the heartland as relevant to their daily lives.  Why should people in Peoria care about what happens in Prague? 

As it happens, there are ample reasons. Those reasons begin with an appreciation of history — and the consequences of being ill-informed about disturbing trends in global politics. Furthermore, reading current political news from Prague helps provide valuable context that offers opportunities for further reflection on the chaotic current political environment in the United States. 

But that’s getting ahead of the story, which begins with a brief overview of ongoing security threats at the behest of the Russians and Chinese that the Czech intelligence service has exposed.

Familiar Russian and Chinese Mischief

Moscow-directed influence and disinformation operations against the Czech Republic, the BIS reported, “were a part of the general Russian” strategy of weakening the vital NATO alliance and the European Union internally. Perhaps the most disturbing detail in the report: The Czech ministry of foreign affairs was targeted by a brazen Russian cyber-espionage campaign that began in 2016 and was detected the next year. By then, the Russian intelligence operatives had hacked into more than 150 diplomatic electronic mailboxes, including those of the Czech foreign minister. To experienced observers, such operations have a familiar, if brazen, ring. Moscow’s traditional subversive “active measures” of covert dirty tricks have long been aimed at weakening the institutions that sustain and protect liberal democracies. 

By contrast, the BIS reported that the Chinese have been focusing on the classic espionage business of stealing secrets. The Czech counterintelligence officials said they had “identified a worrying development in the area of Chinese activities…that as a whole pose a threat to the Czech Republic in the field of economic, scientific and technical espionage.” Toward that end, the BIS noted that China “has almost unlimited funds at its disposal and is able to offer these funds to foreign companies in exchange for access to intellectual property or entry to foreign markets.” 

It doesn’t take much reflection to see why American readers should find the BIS findings relevant. As the Czech Republic is an important member of the NATO alliance, any attempts to weaken that country are also of national security concern to the United States. More specifically, even the most casual consumers of news would recognize that the Russians have also been running similar cyber-espionage operations in the United States. And the reports of the Chinese spying aimed at stealing valuable intellectual property mirror news of Beijing’s economic espionage activities that also target the United States. 

Two Presidents: One Mentality

But while the BIS report was important for its insights into foreign intelligence operations, reading it offers a stark reminder of the (disturbing) similarities between current political trends in both the Czech Republic and the United States.  Specifically, Americans who read about Czech President Milos Zeman cannot help but reflect upon U.S. President Donald Trump and his America First agenda.

Zeman is called the European Trump, and for good reason. And his reaction to the BIS disclosures about his friends in Moscow and Beijing was, well, Trumplike, which I’ll explain shortly. But for context, consider how much alike the two presidents are.

For context, consider this recent report about Zeman in Politico: “He’s a septuagenarian who dislikes Muslims, the media and migrants and loves Vladimir Putin,” reporter Siegfried Mortkowitz noted. “He’s detested by urban dwellers and liberal elites who see him as a national embarrassment and a menace to values they hold dear.” 

Other European analysts have noted how Zeman’s supporters outside the major cities are hardly bothered by his tendency to speak crudely, as they also tend to speak the same language of resentment. Zeman, who was elected to a second term in January 2018, is also loathe to apologize for anything, preferring instead to double down in the face of protests from the detested elites. 

Surely, every American — no matter his or her political persuasion — who has read this far would have already been reminded of Donald Trump. 

The parallels between the two presidents are simply impossible to ignore, beginning with their attitude toward a free press.

Chafing at a free press

Trump has invested considerable political energy in trying to discredit the so-called purveyors of “fake news.” He has famously branding the media as the “enemy of the people” — with no apologies for the fact that using such language puts him in some very distasteful historical company indeed.

Zeman also chafes at his country’s free press, once joking about “liquidating” journalists with Vladimir Putin, a man with expertise on that subject. And in October last year, Zeman reacted to the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in Saudi Arabia’s consulate in Istanbul this way: “I love journalists, that’s why I may organize a special banquet for them this evening at the Saudi embassy.” 

[Anyone who doubts that the Czech Republic has a free press would profit from visiting Czech Press Photo 2018, which is now on display in Prague’s Old Town Hall. Sponsored by the minister of culture and the mayor of Prague, the exhibition treats visitors to an impressive display of the best news photographs and documentaries produced by the country’s journalists in the past year. One of the most compelling: a spot news photo of a bare-breasted Ukrainian activist who shamed Zeman during his January 2018 presidential campaign. She was shouting: “Zeman is Putin’s slut.”]

Shared covert political support from Moscow

Zeman, who was the only European head of state who openly supported Trump’s 2016 presidential candidacy, has never hid his pro-Moscow sentiments. And like Trump, Zeman has been dogged by convincing evidence that the Russians covertly supported his political campaigns.   

Zeman has close associates who are suspected of dubious dealings with Russians who have connections in the Kremlin. So does Trump, although his personal involvement remains a matter of ongoing investigations. 

When Trump was reminded by Fox News host Bill O’Reilly in February 2017 that “Putin’s a killer,” he shot back: “There are a lot of killers. We have a lot of killers. Well, you think our country’s so innocent?”

Zeman has accepted Russia’s 2015 seizing of Crimea. Donald Trump has just said — incredibly — that the Soviet Union did the right thing when it invaded Afghanistan in 1979. And just the other day, Trump even said that he trusted the leaders of communist China more than he did his Democratic opponents in the U.S. Congress. 

And while each president is loathe to utter any words that might cause offense to Putin, they certainly are not shy when it comes to scorn directed toward the European Union and NATO. It is difficult to give either president the benefit of the doubt for having good intentions, when their statements dovetail with Moscow’s propaganda machine. 

A mutual distrust of their country’s professional intelligence services

Perhaps nowhere are the parallels more striking than when it comes to the attitude displayed by the two presidents toward their country’s professional intelligence services. The cadre of intelligence officers at the BIS, as do their non-partisan counterparts in America’s CIA, are steeped in the importance of speaking truth to power. But of course, this is not always appreciated in the highest corridors of political power. 

It is a matter of record that when U.S. intelligence agencies reported they had found disturbing evidence of Russian interference in 2016 aimed at promoting his presidential candidacy, Trump repeatedly denigrated the findings. Trump at one point even called the heads of the CIA and FBI “political hacks.”

Zeman reacted in similar fashion to last month’s BIS report that detailed Russian- and Chinese covert strategies aimed at undermining Czech national security. The BIS had given him “wrong” data, he said. The Czech president also insisted that the quality of BIS’s intelligence analyses had been “deteriorating,” reported RadioFreeEurope/Radio Liberty. Czech intelligence officers were “bozos,” Zeman ranted.

Last May, Zeman even blocked the promotion of BIS chief Michal Koudelka to the rank of general. Koudelka is a professional intelligence officer who has developed an expertise on Russian influence operations. 

The importance of understanding history

Beyond the current political similarities, Americans have important historical reasons to be more interested in what goes on in Prague. In the late 1930s the America Firsters of that era were infamously slow to recognize the growing threat posed to the western democracies by fascism. In 1938, historians recall that perhaps only three percent of an ill-informed American public believed that America should fight to defend our democratic allies, France and the United Kingdom, from Adolf Hitler’s conquest. That changed suddenly, of course, when America was later drawn into World War II after the December 7, 1941, Japanese sneak attack on Pearl Harbor.

But the global conflict had become inevitable in February 1939 when Hitler seized the German-speaking Sudetenland, in the western part of was then called Czechoslovakia. The Nazis took Prague the following month — but people in America’s heartland mostly slept. They still didn’t understand why what had happened in Prague, mattered to them.

This isn’t just ancient history from the Czech point of view, either. Last month in Prague, I was reminded of how people in Prague still cringe at the memory of Neville Chamberlain’s September 1938 appeasement in Munich. The Czechs were shocked when the British leader agreed to let Hitler take the Sudetenland. 

Chamberlain had hoped that Hitler’s thirst for conquest would be satisfied by feeding it. As the renowned intelligence scholar Christopher Andrew relates in his newest book, The Secret World, Chamberlain had been warned by his own counterintelligence service, MI5, that the appeasement would produce the opposite effect. The British prime minister disregarded the secret intelligence — more politely than Milos Zeman’s current intemperate rejection of the BIS reports, but just as unwise. 

Today, the Czechs still remember what they call the Munich Betrayal. And every time that Donald Trump speaks respectfully of Putin — and disrespectfully of the NATO alliance — the Czechs have a familiar feeling. They have good reason to worry whether, if push comes to shove with the Russian Bear, America will still have their backs. 

Message to American news editors: Step up your game.